HomeMy WebLinkAboutItem #09 - Discussion Itemr~.
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Joseph R. 3rassie
City ' ahager
'11 JUL 22 AM 9: IS
■ Richard L. Fosmoen, Director
Plahhing Department
July 191 1977
Housing and Neighborhood
1thp2-oVement Workshop
For some time the Planning and Community Development staff has
been working on a set of issue papers which will form the basis
for a possible 4th year CD project of neighborhood conservation
and rehabilitation.;s a prelude to specific recommendations I
would like to present to the City Commission a brief background
report on some of the City's major housing issues at their July
28th City Commission Committee of the Whole meeting. '4aterials
are currently being prepared and will be distributed at the
Committee of the Whole meting.
HOUSING ISSUE PAPER #1
MIAMI'S HOUSING PROBLEMS: AN OVERVIEW
IntroduC:tion
City of Miami residents, aware of the housing problems affecting low and moderate
income households, passed a $25,000,000 Housing Bond Issue to help provide safe
and sanitary dwelling units to those unable to satisfy their housing needs under
normal (unsubsidized) market conditions. As housing costs out -pace changes in
disposable income, Miami's housing problems will not only remain but will become
aggravated unless the City, in coordination with the private sector and other
governmental entities, develops strategies and programs to insure the best use of
its present and future housing stock.
The Housing and Residential Neighborhood Element of the City of Miami's Ccirrehensive
Neighborhood Plan, 1976-1986, provides the first step in the development of a com-
prehensive housing and neighborhood treatment strategy. This series of Housing
Issue Papers being developed by the Planning Department will update, refine and
complement the findings and recommendations contained in the MCV'P. With a clearer
understanding of the issues and the alternatives available, the City will be better
able to develop an effective housing treatment strategy which makes the best use
of all available resources.
HOUSING ISSUE PAPER #1
MIAMI'S HOUSING PROBLEMS: AN OVERVICW
The purpose of the first Issue Paper is to provide a general understanding of the
Trost pressing housing problems which exist in the City of Miami. This initial in-
formation base is a pre -requisite to the development of a meaningful housing strategy.
Housing programs have been developed in the past to deal with physical deterioration
of the housing stock. More recently, program developers have come to realize that
housing problems are a result of a gap between the characteristics of the existing
units, the condition of the neighborhood in which they are located and the needs of
the people who demand housing services.
Within this context, a housing problem can result from one of the following situa-
tions:
1. A structurally unsound housing unit (deterioration).
2. A structurally sound unit which does not provide appropriate
shelter to its users because of its high cost (overpayment) or
small size (overcrcwc' i ng) .
A structurally sound unit in which there is no overcrowding or
overpayment, but which is located in an unsuitable living envi-
ronment (neighborhood).
betet ioration
T'k independent windshield surveys have been conducted to determine the condition
of housing stock in the City of Miami. The first was a cursory survey designed to
update and spot-check the Community Improvement Program's Blight Survey, a 1970
housing survey for Dade County. The second windshield survey is a land use survey
for the City of Miami conducted in 1975 by the Planning Department which resulted
in a more refined data base to measure housing conditions.
The result of the City's Land Use Survey indicated the following distribution of
housing units by condition (see Appendix A):
Condition Number
A (good) 100,313
S (needs minor repairs) 22,068
C (needs major repairs) 10,342
D (dilapidated) 2,946
Clearly, housing condition is not the City of Miami's main housing problem. With 9.8%
of the units in need of major repair or dilapidated, the City enjoys a substantial
advantage relative to the great majority of American cities, many of which have a
much older and, therefore more deteriorated, housing stock.
Nevertheless, over 34,000 units within the City are either suitable for rehabilitation
or need to be demolished because rehabilitation is economically infeasible. Without
close attention to the structural problems of the housing stock, deterioration will
continue in those units which are presently in need of repair but capable of being
rehabilitated, and it will begin in many of those units which are presently in good
condition. This process of accelerated decline is and will become more acute in low
and moderate income areas where household income levels are not high enough for pri-
vate rehabilitation and improvement efforts to occur.
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t addition, although the City of Miami has a basically sound housing stock, the
problems of deterioration and dilapidation are concentrated in certain areas of
the City (Appendices C & D). This level of decay, in conjunction with other
problems (income, neighborhood condition) will determine the type and intensity of
treatment each particular neighborhood requires. (A further discussion of neighbor-
hood treatment strategies will follow in the next issue paper).
Overcrowding
Overcrowding is defined as an inadequacy of internal shelter space to meet the needs
of its users. The standard unit of measurement, as recorded by the U. S. Census, is
any house in which there is more than one person per room.
The population of Miami between 1960 and 1970 experienced significant changes due
primarily to the Cuban in -migration and changes in the age distribution of the popu-
lation. In contrast to national and regional trends during this period, the median
household size increased from 2.64 to 2.73 persons per household. However, during
the same period the median size of dwellings in Miami decreased by 10% from 3.9 to
3.5 rooms per unit. These two conflicting trends are responsible for furthering
the problem of overcrowding. Between 1960 and 1970 the number of overcrowded units
increased by 122%. Whereas in 1960 approximately 10% of the housing stock was over-
crowded, today the percentage has doubled.
Overcrowding is one of the most severe housing problems in the City of Miami. While
local structural housing conditions compare favorably with nationwide distributions,
overcrowding in Miami is almost three times as high as the national average. Over-
crowding is particularly acute in areas of low and moderate income Latin concentra-
tions such as Little Havana, Allapattah and , Inwood, and score of the lowest income
Black areas such as Culmer and parts of Model City. (See Appendices C & D).
1111
The problem of overcrvwaing in Miami, as in the rest of the United States, is
directly related to income (i.e., the inability to pay for shelter large enough
to adequately accommodate user space requirements). Nevertheless, the massive
influx of Cuban population since 1960 brought about three changes in Miami which
contributed to the severity of the current problem, making it a distinctive and
unique local situation.
First, Cuban migration in the sixties represented an increase in housing demand
that was unmet by increases in housing production. From 1960 to 1970 Miami's
population increased by 15% while the housing stock only indicated a 9% growth
rate. This disparity is evident in the change of vacancy rates fLom 10.1% in
1960 to 2.5% in 1970, a level which is unacceptably low for efficient market
equilibrium to occur between supply and demand without causing undue problems of
overcrowding, overpayment and restricted mobility.
Second, Cuban households are substantially larger than the American households they
replaced as they moved into the existing housing stock. In 1960, when the majority
of Miami was composed of non -minority Whites, nraian household size was 2.64 persons.
In 1970, the median household size for Latins was 3.34 persons. Thus, in the sixties
Miami experienced not only increased housing demands unmet by new production, but
the utilization of its housing stock by families larger than the ones the houses were
originally intended to accommodate.
Finally, the family life-style of the new Cuban migrants differed from the one exist-
ing in Miami. While the nuclear family was basically the only form of family living
unit in the area, the Latins brought extended families which often resided in common
quarters. Although related to the income level of the migrant, the extended family
is also a cultural phenomenon which still remains today. As such, p.rt of the over-
crowding "problem" is not a matter of necessity but of choice.
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•
•
1
Closely related to the problei of overcrowding is overpayment for housing, Criteria
for overpayment is more than 25% of the monthly income for rental housing or more
than twice the yearly income for owned housing. While little reliable data is avail-
able to pinpoint the problem, it can be assumed that inflationary pressures combined
with Miami's high cost of housing has forced many residents to over -extend themselves
in securing housing. As evidence, median rents in Miami increased faster than the
median income -- 47% as compared with 35% between 1960 to 1970. While the increase
in median value of owned units was somewhat slower in the sixties, a precipitous in-
flationary period for single family housing occurred during the early 70's.
Costs of housing in the City of Miami are somewhat lower than for the metropolitan
area. In 1970, Miami have values, according to the U.S. Census, averaged $16,720
or 87% of the metropolitan average. Similarly, average rents for the City were $114
or 84% of the metropolitan average. Although housing costs are somewhat lower in
Miami, income levels are even lower, representing only 79% of the 1970 Dade County
median income. Thus, overpayment for housing has been more critical in the City of
Miami than for the region.
Indications are that housing costs continue to rise faster than income, thus worsen-
ing the overpayment problem. Recent data corroborates this trend. Since 1970, the
average price of new homes sold in Dade County increased from $32,000 to $52,000
(62.5%); for used homes from $26,350 to $47,500 (80.3%); and, the price of condomin-
iums from $26,300 to $40,500 (54%) -- (see Appendix E). Average County rents in-
creased from $136 as recorded by the census in 1970 to $276 in 1976. (Appendix: E).
The ift lications of this trend are clear. With an estimated median family incotte
for a family of four of $11,300 for the City of Miami and $14,000 for Dade County
(1976), over 50% of all families would be excluded from buying a new or used home,
unless they have built a substantial amount of equity and/or are willing to assume
an undue level of housing expenditures. In the rental market, a family or household
would need to earn over $13,250 to lease, without overpayment, a unit at the average
market rent. Again, well over 50% of the families in Miami earn less than this base
figure.
A high rent/income ratio has severe implications to the maintenance and upkeep of
the existing housing stock. As households, especially those of low and moderate
income, reach their maxima possible income allocation toward housing, increased
MO
maintenance costs required to keep the housing stock in good repair become prohibi-
11 tive. Therefore, rehabilitation and improvement efforts will not only necessitate
1111
sacrifices from residents with lirdted resources, but will also need public assistance
in the forms of loans, grants, and rent and mortgage subsidies.
The problem of overpayment is particularly acute in all low income areas. But, unlike
overcrowding and deterioration, many of the middle income areas within the City are
faced with this problem. (See Appendix D).
Neighborhood Environment
This last major housing problem can cccur even when an individual unit is not dete-
riorated, or overcrowded and the occupant is nct paying over 25% of his income for
shelter. Neighborhood environment refers to a whole array of factors which affect
the immediate life situation of a housing user. As opposed to the specific dwelling
unit which he/she occupies, individual owners and renters have little control over
their neighborhood environment.
Neighborhoods which are economically, socially and physically deteriorated usually
Captain a combination of conditions detrimental to the life of its inhabitants.
The concentration of poverty and physical decay tends to breed a series of social
Maladjustments resulting in high crime rates, low educational levels, drug related
problems, juvenile delinquency, broken hoes, and a number of sanitary, health and
psychological problems. In addition, areas of concentrated deterioration are almost
invariably faced with what has been referred to as "the prisoner's dilemma", where
individual property owners and users shun any investment efforts due to the level
of decay of the surrounding property and environment. This disinvestment mentality,
arising from a negative perception of the existing condition of a neighborhood and
its future is perhaps the most important single consideration in developing treat-
ment strategies for highly deteriorated areas. A great majority of rehabilitation
programs utilized in problem areas such as these have failed in other cities because
of a lack of understanding of the neighborhood's market and investment dynamics.
Each area of concentrated deterioration differs according to the specific type and
intensity of the environmental problems it contains. In Miami, portions of Culmer,
rbdel Cities and Coconut Grove have reached levels of decay which constitute unsuit-
able residential environments. Nevertheless, actions can be taken to improve the
economic and physical conditions of these areas. A separate issue paper will deal
in greater detail with types of neighborhoods and their recommended treatment stra-
tegies.
Scope of the Problem
The City of Miami as part of its third year Community Development Application sub-
mitted to the Federal Government a Housing Assistance Plan which assesses the housing
needs of low and moderate income households. Using the most recent available infor-
mation, it was estimated that 68,056 households in the City of Miami had incomes
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below 80% of the County median, a proportion used by the Federal Government ih
defining low and moderate income households eligible to receive some form of housing
assistance. Of these low income households, 54,444 were estimated to be experiencing
one or more forms of housing deprivation: Living in substandard conditions, living
in overcrowded conditions (over 1.01 persons per room) or paying over 25% of their
income for housing. This figure represents 42% of all households residing within
the City of Miami.
Housing deprivation in the City of Miami is more severe than for the region, as the
City contains both an older housing stock and a poorer population base. The segments
of the population which are most affected by housing problems include renter, female -
headed, elderly and minority households. (Appendix F). The geographic distribution
of housing need is shown in Appendix D and will be further discussed in a separate
issue paper.
Causes: An Overview
A brief review of the most important factors causing the present housing conditicns
will be useful in providing a clearer understanding of the situation and the issues
involved.
Incone, or lack thereof, is at the root of all housing problems. In a free enter-
prise market economy housing is perceived as another consumer (,o.d. The bundle of
services supplied, their quality, size and location are the result of the effective
demand of housing consumers. With buyers and renters bidding for the best housing
stock within their incu,_ ranges, the poorest segments of the population, without
public assistance, are left with the most deteriorated housinc7. The market merely
adjusts the type of product offered to the buying power of the consumers.
1
ffi larly, the level of upkeep and maintenance once the units have been contracted
for are directly dependent on the income of the users. In the case of a homeowner,
the amount of money he will be able to set aside to maintain his home in good repair
is a function of the income he receives and his other non -housing expenditures. In
rental property, maintenance depends on the income flow produced by monthly rents.
Almost invariably, low and hard to collect rents and the location of buildings in
economically depressed areas are accompanied by maintenance reductions which allow
landlords to maintain an economic rate of return.
The alternatives available to low income households faced with a shortage of financial
resources are the same as the problems previously discussed: a) to live with some
level of deterioration; b) to Trove to better quality but smaller units and experience
some degree of overcrowdina; c) to over -extend themselves in housing expenditures; or
d) to find neighborhoods which offer fewer amenities and therefore lower rent struc-
tures.
Miami, being Dade County's inner city, has experienced the pressures of reduced dis-
posable incomes more than the rest of the region. As was previously stated, the
1970 median family income in the City was only 79% of the County's median. The
problem seems to become aggravated as the City becomes a receptor of only the rich
and the poor. A direct result of this trend has been the increased levels of deterio-
ration, overcrowding and overpayment that Miami is currently experiencing. In addition,
as single family homes become too expensive to upkeep, and as the middle and upper
income households migrate to other parts of the region, the level of homeownership,
one of the most important community stabilizing factors, declines. 47% of
Miami's households awned homes in 1960, by 1970 the proportion had decreased to 35%.
tiadequate income levels are aggravated by the enormous increase in housing Costs
experienced in Dade County since 1970. As we indicated previously (see Appendix E)
costs for all types of housing have sky -rocketed in the past few years. Between
1970 and 1974, average household effective buying income rose 6.4% in Dade County.
Housing prices, however, increased some 50% during the same period.
Similarly, national trends indicate that costs associated with the maintenance of
housing units have outpaced both the disposable income of the population and the
income derived flow rental units. This trend, which probably holds true for Dade
County, implies a reduced level of maintenance as landlords make adjustments to
continue an acceptable profit flaw.
The age of structures also has a direct bearing on the level of housing decay. The
process of housing decline can be temporarily stopped and the life cycle of a house
can be extended for long periods of time with proper and timely maintenance and re-
habilitation efforts. Nevertheless, with age, the expenditures needed to adequately
maintain a house increase. At the same time, through the filtering process, upper
income households rove from the older and many times obsolete structures to newer
and more functional units located in other sections of the community. Households
of a lower income level then begin to occupy the stock ;.which is left behind. This
mismatch between the houses that need the greatest care and the persons who can
least afford maintenance expenses accelerates the rate of deterioration of the housing
stock.
Compared with the housing stock in the South Florida Region, Miami's housing is
relatively old. In 1970, 30% of Miami's housing was more than thirty years old.
Only 15% of Dade County's housing was in this category. Included in Miami's portion of
ET -
the housing stock are those remaining wood frame dwellings particularly susceptible
to deterioration.
MC-
idome, cost and age of structures are the most critical determinants of housing
condition and its rate of decline. In addition to these factors, several tradition-
al theories* explaining the existence of substandard living conditions apply to the
local market. A brief description of these is offered to complete our understanding
of the housing problems and the issues that must be tackled in developing viable
treatment programs.
Certain external effects (increased dirt or noise from neighborhood
industrial or retail firms) cause a decline in demand for affected
area, causing price decline, under -maintenance and quality deterio-
ration.
The housing market's prisoner's dilemma is described as the phenomenon
in which it is profitable for an owner to improve or maintain his
building quality only if all the buildings in the neighborhood are
improved. If he proceeds alone he will have a large investment and
little increase in rents -- his rate of return will fall. In an open
market, the obstacles to coordinating the improvement of all buildings
in a neighborhood lead to an increase in the supply of low quality
housing. The prisoner's dilemma will become of crucial importance in
the selection of improvement and rehabilitation areas, as it implies
that in order to be successful an effort at improving neighborhood
conditions must include comrutrrents from a substantial proportion of
the property owners in the area.
* Pynoos, Schaefer & Hartman, Housing Urban America, Aldine Publishin
Chicago, 1975, p. 207
-12-
tft recital markets serving fa-nilies with relatively high income levels,
general price inflation and swollen operating costs usually have been
acconpanied by higher property values, so that entrepreneurs look to
capital gains and accompanying tax benefits for profit. By contrast,
property owners in the low to moderate income rental housing market
tend increasingly to take profits out of current rental receipts. This
puts an additional squeeze on the often limited rental income, causing
decreased maintenance and increased deterioration*.
nigher interest rates (as is the case in today's market) or the unavail-
ability of loans on property in declining areas (red -lining) increases
the number of low quality housing units as maintenance becomes prohibi-
tive to households of low and moderate income.
Federal income tax laws on depreciation of residential real estate create
incentives for retaining a building (especially rental property) in the
housing stock beyond its useful life. Depreciation fosters turnovers
that extend the building's existence without comnensating renovation. As
a result, the number of low quality housing is increased.
-- Local property tax policies discourage renovation and maintenance by
increasing the assessed value of a property when it is rehabilitated.
-- Premature rezoning of land to higher densities has in many neighborhoods
led to deterioration of the housing stock. In many cases rezoning has
led to higher land costs and speculation. Even though a change in land
use has not occurred, often it has resulted in the expectation of conver-
sion to higher densities which in turn has led to disinvestment in the
existing housing stock.
* Norton _sier, Thinkina About Housing, The Urban Institute, Washington, D. C., 1970
-13-
Snary and Conclusions
The principal housing problems experienced by the City of Miami are deterioration,
overpayment, overcrowding and the presence of unsuitable residential environments.
Of those, overpayment and overcrowding are the most severe problems, showing no
signs of abatement as housing costs continue to outpace increases in the level of
disposable income. The problem of overpayment in particular is extending to many
of Miami's middle income neighborhoods.
The City of Miami has an undue concentration of housing problems in comparison with
the rest of the South Florida region. In 1970 Miami's median family income was
only 79% of the County's median while average local rents and home values represenficr1
84% and 87%, respectively, of the County average. A total of 55,444 low income
households -- 42% of all households -- were suffering fLUm some form of housing depri-
vation.
Although the causes of housing decline are many and complex, three factors are prin-
cipally accountable for the present market conditions: Low income levels, increased
housing costs and age of structures. Sharp increases in housing costs in recent
years unmatched by income increases are the single most significant determinant of
Miami's housing problems. Age of housing in Miami, which compares favorably with the
national housing stock but unfavorably with the one for the region, will continue to
be a problem, particularly if investment in upkeep and rehabilitation does not occur
at the early stages of decline.
The first issue paper has attempted to provide a general but informative overview
of the housing problems found in Miami, together with a brief analysis of the factors
responsible for the existing conditions. This initial document also raised and
explained several housing related issues which need to be understood before appropriate
treatment strategies can be developed.
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MIAMI'S HOUSING PROBLEMS: AN OVERVIEW
CLASSIFICATION
~.- IN*r'«,11"
J\ - Good
s
.�
B ~,Needs Minor Repairs
D ~ Di1omidated�
-`.�
fO� OF 8OUGI0Q_Cg0
CITY OF MIAM1
1975
DESCRIPTION
All basic structural elements are adequate.
Roof, walls, foundations, and load -bearing
elements have no defects. All non -critical
exterior elements such as chimneys, porches,
doors, windows, eaves and trim are not de-
fective. Minor maintenance such as exterior
painting should not lower the condition
classification.
All basic structural elements are sound.
Roof, walls, foundations and loadbeariug
elements have no defects. Replacement or
repair of trim, cornices, eaves, gutters,
windows, doors and other non -critical ele-
ments may be required.
U�
This category is similar to the above clas-
sification except that there are some lim-
ited defects to the basic structural ele-
ments. Extensive repairs for several non-
critical exterior elements may also be
required.
o
.
«
_
Structures characterized by extensive otruo-�-�
__
tnzal defects to the roof, walls, foundation
—
or loadbeariog elements. Combinations of N��|
several limited defects indicate infeasi-
bility or rehabilitation and require
clearance.
�
�
�
48 —_
5802 58.01
0' 2700' 5400'
1 1
SCALE
e100'
1501 W 1901 „ sT
15.03 aoa
is rT 112
If
rM51902 I e.sr 2002
18.01--r-
1 e.o2 i NA „ „ 22 02 122 01
Si 23 Wif
1t,01 : 1702 1803I .2 i at
17 03 24 25 r26
1 - r tl !1 1 )
1 • 1129 :29
sr
:I
7021
"1
:02sr
:1'5�) r `
- - •/ 3702
`134 -
5501 5401 152 3601 3 01
AIM IT
H.i55 02 54 02 i53
lr 1IT
iunn sr
73
.r0111Ct pn.r
1
1
6702/ I
1970 CENSUS TRACTS
CITY OF MIAMI PLANNING DEPARTMENT • MAY.1971
46
APPENDIX C
(1 of 2)
Ell
f0. sl 1G PROBLEM INDICATORS
CITY OF MIAMI
1970, 1975
Housing Condition % (1)
A B C
Total Needing Needing
IIIM Census Housing Good Minor Major
Tract Units (1) Condition Repairs Repairs
Over Over
Delapi= CroWding Payment
dated... 3.... (2) __ % .(3)
■ 13 4,918 98.5 1.1 0.3 0.1 5,3
14 3,475 76.8 15.0 7.0 1.2 13.8
15.01 1,900 78.5 18.2 3.0 0.3 22,4
17.03(pt) 51 68.6 5,9 25.5 24.1
I. 18.01(pt) 218 58.8 39.4 1,8 - 20.6
18.02(pt) 1,065 40.7 44.7 13,6 1.0 31.2
M 18.03(pt) 133 72.1 22.6 5.3 - 18.1
1111
19.01 1,643
3,277 73.6 22.6 3,4 0.4
0.3 31.1
19.02 60.1 34.7 4.9 31.9
III 20.01
1,900 92.8 5.3 1.7 0.2 14.5
20.02 2,402 88.7 9.0 2.2 0.1 19.7
1111
21 1,376 99.1 0.8 0.1 - 4.5
22.01 1,554 95.0 4.0 0.9 0.1 10.1
22.02 2,130 74.3 19.8 4.6 1.3 20.4
23 2,069 52.8 35.9 9.6 1.7 25.5
24 4,049 62.9 29.4 7.0 0.7 29.8
25 2,044 43.8 39.6 14.2 2.4 32.9
26 1,513 64.0 30.5 5.2 0.3 35.6
27.01 3,864 84.7 14.1 1.2 11.9
27.02 1,241 30.6 41.7 17.9 9.8 19.5
28 1,330 22.6 33.6 32.3 11.5 39.2
29 834 36.2 19.8 10.0 6,4 29.3
30.01 1,305 89.8 7.2 2.5 0.5 15.9
30.02 2,801 84.5 14.3 1.2 - 24.2
31 2,041 32.6 21.4 24.7 21.3 29.0
34 3,691 7.5 29.5 43.0 20.0 29.3
36.01 1,233 41.0 18.4 25.6 15.0 22.4
36.02 2,826 45.2 31.0 19.8 4.0 26.5
37.01 999 33.4 25.7 17.3 23.6 13.9
37.02 1,025 7.8 9.4 67.5 15.3 12.4
49 3,424 97.0 2.7 0.3 - 15.9
50 3,218 97.4 2.5 0.1 - 19.6
51 3,052 97.4 1.8 0.7 0.1 18.9
52 3,233 50.5 25.4 21.9 2.2 32.7
53 6,028 45.0 30.1 23.5 1.4 33.0
54.01 2,523 50.6 36.5 11.2 1.7 27.5
= 54.02 3,159 88.4 7.2 3.8 0.6 30.5
55.01 1,732 82.4 16.7 0.6 0.3 17.3
55.02(pt) 2,181 81.9 17.1 1.0 - 19.6
56(pt) 1,256 98.6 1.3 0.1 -, 9.8
57 6,408 95.2 3.5 1.0 0.3 14.9
p 58.01 1,936 92.4 6.9 0.6 0.1 13.2
58.02 2,458 90.9 8,2 0.9 11.6
Continued Page 2
46.6
51.2
49.6
11.1
32.7
58.9
47.8
43.2
52.8
42.9
42.7
30.0
39.5
47.6
42.9
44.1
47.4
40.4
56.9
48.0
58.3
36.5
45.4
40.0
51.9
51.2
53.1
53.9
64.2
49.8
45.9
39.6
49.1
53.2
50.7
46.1
50.7
54.8
46.4
51.1
47.1
53.3
47.8
•
C04TINUED... ,,
Census
Tract.
63.01
63.02
64
65
66
67.01
67.02
68
69
70.01
70.02
71
72 (pt)
73
Total
Housing
Units (1)
2,793
1,651
3,672
2,637
4,543
3,940
1,917
2,693
2,353
1,939
2,115
3,275
1,170
1,434
APPENDIX C
HOUSING PROBLEM INDICATORS
CITY OF MIAMI
1970, 1975
_Housing
Condition % (1)
A
Good
Condition
91.6
91.3
52.8
89.3
90.6
99.5
87.3
86.5
89.6
79.6
88.7
63.5
30.7
88.6
0.3
0.6
8
Needing
Minor
Repairs
8.2
5.2
46.1
9.1
6.8
0.5
10.6
10.8
9.9
16.5
8.1
23.6
32.9
9.6
C D
Needing
Major D•ilapi-
Repairs dated
0.2
3.2
1.1
1.6
2,0
1.9
2.6
0.5
3.5
2.9
11.3
25.0
1.7
(2 of 2)
Net of Ovet'
Crowding Payment
(2)... % (3)
19.3 48.4
11.3 42.2
22.6 49.2
12.2 35.1
21.9 50.2
3.3 57.5
11.0 53.7
4.0 51.3
9.9 47.2
15.9 44.9
13.3 51.5
15.3 54.2
24.4 55.9
1.5 36.6
(1) Housing Count and Condition information gathered from City of Miami
Land Use Survey, 1975.
(2) Over crowding refers to units with more than 1.01 households per room:
Source - 1970 Census of Population and Housing, Census Tracts, Table H-1.
(3) Over payment includes only those renting hcuseholds which are paying more
than 25% of their income for rent. The percentages are derived from total
rental units and do not include owner occupancy, where over payment tends
to be considerably less severe: Source - 1970 Census of Housing and Popula-
tion, Census Tracts, Table H-2.
APPENDIX D
N. 4
P 1
q
ri 31 G.....,.. •-7.:,Th
.4* 4.4 s.
1•.••••1
•
' •114.
• I
PIrc *IN A.
HOUSING PROBLEMS
1 1
;NA
Overcrowding (201/4-100%)
Overpayment (50%+)
F-7771 Overpayment (40%-50%)
•
_J
•
148SNIIM
IIIIM
Or,
NI. '4
Deterioration (70%-100%)
Deterioration (50%-701/4)
Deterioration (30%-50%)
1976
1975
1974
1973
1972
1971
1970
1969
1968
1967
A itztGES., Off' HOMES SOLD AND, lAt1ERAGE,,RENTg
DADE COUNTY
1967-1976
Average Prices of Homes Sold
New Homes
$52,000
50,000
48,500
38,800
31,500
30,750
32,000
29,700
25,450
23,200
Used Homes Condominiums
$47,500 $40,500
43,350 38,750
43,800 37,500
38,850 35,350
34,350 30,500
30,700 26,750
26,350 26,300
23,150 21,950
19,350 16,250
17,300 13,000
Based on average of all size apartments from one to three bedrooms.
Source: Homes Sold - Miami Herald, March 20, 1977 p. 42H
Average Rent - Miami Herald, December 19, 1976 p. 6L
AVetec}e
Refits *
$276
$267
MIKOM
•
OFENOtx F
.'HniPfMATtb 80UstNG As8 ISTANCE NEEDS OF LOWER ,INCOMB_HOOSEHOPO
CITY OF MIAMI
1976
HOUSEHOLD TYPE
Low Income Households in Need
of Assistance
i# /N NEED OF ASSISTANCE
54,444
Owner Households 11,978
Renter Households
Female -headed Households
Black Households
Spanish-American Households
Elderly or Handicapped
% oFToTAt HOUSING NEE!)
100.0%
22.0%
42,466 78,0%
19,055 35,0%
12,838 23,6%
25,904
16,431
Source: City of Miami's Housing Assistance Plan, 1976
HOUSING ISSUE PAPER #2
NEIGHBORHOOD CLASSIFICATION: STAGES OF
DECLINE AND TREATMENT STRATEGIES
ITOUSit\t" ISSUE PAPER #2
NtIGHBORHOOD CLASSIFICATION: STAGES OP
DECLINE AND TREATMENT STRATEGIES
The previous issue paper dealt with the major housing problems in the City of
Miami. The concentration of these, and other socio-econcmic problems, provide
a basis for classifying neighborhoods or geographical areas according to their
levels of decay.1
This system of neighborhood classification is not static, but must be viewed as
a progressive continuum, or neighborhood life -cycle, extending from development
and healthy conditions to aging and decline. Between these two extremes, the
life -cycle can be divided into stages according to relative levels of advancement
or decline. Neighborhoods at each stage can change quickly or slowly depending on
a series of market conditions. However, unlike the human life -cycle, the neigh-
borhood has the power of regeneration: trends toward decline and demolition can
be stopped and, in certain circumstances, reversed through adequate treatment
strategies.
Why is It Important To Classify Neighborhoods According To Their Degree of beeline?
In housing, as in other areas where decisions must be made to maintain adequate resi-
dential environments, local government's toughest task is deciding where, how much
and in what type of projects and programs within the City to spend the scarce funds
available. Unfortunately, there never seams to be enough funds to upgrade every
city neighborhood. Nevertheless, within the context of capital improvement short-
ages, there are various principles that, if followed, can lead to a better allocation
of the scarce resources. Neighborhood classifications, such as the ones that will
be developed in this document, provide one such principle.
In the past, many neighborhood preservation efforts in other cities and in Dade
County have been ineffective because several key ingredients have been left out.
"These attempts have not had:
-- an understanding of the mechanics of how neighborhoods change. Programs
were based on inadequate definitions of the problems and results were often the
opposite of the designer's expectations;
-- an overall city framework that recognized the place of each individual
neighborhood within the metropolitan housing market;
-- an understanding of doing something early rather than after the problem is
already visible;
-- a broad focus which addresses the problem of people and organizations as
well as the problems of buildings;
a realism about the limits of what can be accomplished: some things that
trigger neighborhood decline -- like levels of unemployment, interest rates, fuel
costs -- often cannot be affected by local action;
Aft uhderstanding of the importance of coordinated action; and,
_,, adequate funding and access to critically needed resources.
The list can be boiled down to three serious omissions -- the failure to see
that the decline of neighborhoods is a total process with clearly definable stages;
the inability to intervene early, at the preventative stages; and the lack of rec- 2
ognition that neighborhoods are not independent of one another within the process."
A neighborhood is then classified according to its conditions in order to develop
specific and workable treatment programs suitable to its level of decline (stage).
Improvement tactics that work well for one area can be ineffective and even cause
great harm when applied to areas in other stages of decline. For example, a vigorous,
door-to-door program of code enforcement couples with adequate citizen participation
and financial assistance through home improve -rent loans may effectively stop decline
in many transitional areas (stages 2 & 3 as will be described shortly), particularly
in those where decline is yet incipient. But, in the late stages of decline (stages
4 & 5), owners may respond to the same strategy by walking away flow their build-
ings, thus increasing the problem of abandonment.
In fact, experience shows that very few programs (almost invariably involving some
level of clearance) have been successful in upgrading neighborhoods in the late
stages of decline. The level of poverty, degree of physical decay and the negative
perception of the area dampen the chances of success. Past national programs after
years of effort are increasingly suspect. One expert, after extensive national re-
search ever. indicated that "ghetto sited public housing under the 1949 act, slum
clearance style urban renewal, 'rehab' and code enforcement in the poorest neighbor-
hoods, FHA 235 and 236 in the slums have hastened, not stemmed, center city neighbor-
hood decline."3.
th Strhiaty# neighborhodd classification is necessary because: a)the level of dedline
of a neighborhood will determine the tactics to be used in its upgrading, as each
stage is composed of different dynamics, different people and different processes at
work; and b)the overall probability of success, regardless of the tactics used, will
be negatively correlated to the progression of decline.
Why bo Neighborhoods Change?
The causes and processes involved in the decline of neighborhoods are extremely com-
plex. The usual causality (i.e., a definite cause brings about an effect) is nebulous
as causes and effects intermingle and act upon each other to create and accelerate
the process of decline. Nevertheless, an understanding of the basic process is
necessary to develop workable programs, and, perhaps more importantly, to monitor
and rearrange these programs with an understanding of the forces at work, the pos-
sibilities of failure and the alternatives available.
The simplest way to describe the process of decline is through a series of conditions,
decisions and processes which interact to initiate and/or accelerate neighborhood
changes. The basic conditions leading to neighborhood deterioration can be summarized
as follows:
-- Physical: The presence of an older housing stock needing increased
maintenance.
- Economic: The presence of significant properties of the population
who cannot readily afford adequate housing or neighborhood
services.
Social: The presence of population groups associated with social
maladjustments such as crone, alcoholism, drug addiction
broken families, etc.
-4-
•
11
hese ere Lectors which cause neighborhood decline
but which may have little to do with its population
or housing patterns. Market reasons for decline can
include overall decline in the metropolitan or city
area, changing job opportunities, shifts in transporta-
tion facilities and the rapid expansion of more at-
tractive residential opportunities within the city or
metropolitan area.
The total situation of a neighborhood and its surrounding areas is perceived by
different groups who in turn make decisions affecting the direction and degree of
neighborhood change. The main actors in the process are owner and renter house-
holds, owners/investors and intermediaries.
-- Owner and renter residents of an area make the two basic decisions which
start or accelerate the process of decline: they Trove or they decrease their hous-
ing maintenance. Both of these decisions result from a negative perception of the
neighborhood by the household or a mismatch between household needs and neighbor-
hood amenities (parks, schools, house size, etc.), or the presence of better
residential alternatives in the metropolitan area.
— Owner/investors make solar decisions based on their negative perceptions
of the area and on a real or expected decline in their income flow and/or value of
property. Decisions range fran reduction of maintenance and conversions of struc-
tures to higher densities in the incipient stages to mortgage defaults and atendon-
vent at the late stages of deterioration.
.a ow .►,__A/_ INN
Intermediaries are those who service neighborhoods, 1,ike shopkeepers, real
estate brokers, bankers, contractors and public agencies. Their actions can include
biockbusting by real estate brokers; more stringent loan policies, higher interest
rates and redlining by bankers; denial of insurance coverage by insurance companies;
and, change of business locations by local storekeepers. These decisions reinforce
the anxieties of the existing residents and owner/investors and preclude demands
from potentially stabilizing groups of new residents.
The decision of one group of actors (i.e., households) are both a cause and a result
of the decisions by the other actors (i.e., investors and intermediaries), as indi-
cated in Appendix A. This negative reinforcement aggravates the problem of decline
and necessitates solutions which deal with all the groups involved in the neighbor-
hood change process.
Finally, once decline begins five separate but parallel processes usually take place.
-- Income and occupational levels decline as upper income households are re-
placed by lower income groups.
-- Ethnicity changes from White to Spanish or Black. Although this is not always
the case, almost all neighborhoods that have experienced substantial decline have also
undergone ethnic change.
--The housing stock deteriorates due to age and lower maintenance levels.
-- Changes in attitude on the part of residents, realtors, investors, merchants
and public officials lead to increased pessimism about the future of the area.
-- The level of new investment capital into the area in the form of new con-
struction of businesses and homes decreases.
-6-
•
These probitesses in ttrh aggravate the batiG'- COhditioh8 Of neighborhood decline
and the decisions by the relevant group of neighborhood actors.
In summary, a comprehensive analysis and understanding of the causality of neigh-
borhood decline involves a series of conditions, decisions and processes which
interchangeably act as both causes and effects prompting and accelerating the deter-
ioration process. The following graphic illustrates the process:
CONDITIONS
-Physical
-Economic
-Social
-Market
DECISIONS
- Owners/renters
- Investors
- Intermediaries
PROCESSES
- Socio economic decline
- Ethnic Change
-Physical decline
- Attitudinal decline
- Capital decline
i
•
•
•
•
Methodology Used in Classifying Neighborhoods
The classification of Miami's neighborhoods is the product of data research
and analysis complemented by the combined 'knowledge of planners familiar with
the different areas within the City.
The initial analysis involved an evaluation of 21 urban need indicators (see
Appendix B). The combination of these indicators had been previously used in
the Miami Comprehensive Neighborhood Plan as the most appropriate measurement of
neighborhood decline. Generally, the indicators fall into three main categories:
Economic conditions (unemployment, low income, retirees, female heads of house-
holds); social problems (crime, death rate, drug use); and, housing problems
(overcrowding, deterioration, overpayment, ownership). The housing related in-
dicators were emphasized (10 out of the 21 indicators used) as they will largely
determine the housing treatment strategy to be utilized.
The data analyzed initially was indicative of census tract level problems and
often reflected 1970 information. In order to urriate and refine this base, the
individual and collective input of planners familiar with the different City neigh-
borhoods was utilized. Changes were made reflecting unrecorded shifts that have
taken place since 1970 and sub -census tract conditions not made apparent by the
census tract information available.
MS-
memR
Ili e neighborhoods
The City of Miami is broken down into four different types of neighborhoods accord-
ing to their level of decline and their treatment needs: Healthy areas, areas of
incipient decline, areas of clear decline and areas of accelerating decline. A
final category, abandonment, has been used in most analyses of central city neigh-
borhoods to describe the ultimate stages of deterioration. Fortunately, the
presence in Miami of such areas is minimal and does not warrant a separate category.
Nevertheless, sone sections within the accelerating decline classification are
presently in the abandonment category.
The neighborhoods within the City should be viewed as a continuum or life -cycle,
moving from growth and stability to decline and deterioration in the following
manner:
AGGREGATE
VALUE
1
Withinthis content, Miami's neighbothoads cats d1.assificd as:
1, HPalthy Areas
These areas are characterized not only by
over of economically sound households and
a constant in -migration and hPal thy turn-
firms but also by good quality housing
and positive resident attitudes. Typical of new and older, well -established neigh-
borhoods, at this stage almost no decay is occurring, properties are well maintained
and the neighborhood has a good reputation in the general community.
Economically, there is a high level of owner investment as insurance and conventional
financing are available and properties maintain high values. (See Appendix C for
specific descriptors).
Treatment for these areas should include maintaining the
services as well as some high visibility improvements to
cern. Basic code enforcement and a pre -sales inspection
flow of basic City/County
show continued public con-
program6 will ensure the
conservation of areas containing the majority of the City's owner -occupied dwelling
units.
Basic Treatment Components for Healthy Areas Include:
- - Basic public services
-- Basic code enforcement
- - Pre -sales inspections
- - Strategic "high visibility" improvements
(trees, parks, lighting, etc.)
-10-
The areas west of S.W. 27 Avenue (Flagami), south of
Shenandoah, Coconut Grove and Bay Heights) and the N.
between Biscayne Boulevard and Biscayne Bay comprise
healthy areas in the City of Miami as illustrated by
ing page.
S.W. 16 Street (Roads#
E. section of the City
the majority of the
the map on the follcW-
NtEALtirmv AAN
m•A-
--•=7=
City of Miami planning Department
Transitional Areas (Incipient and Clear Decline)
Characterized by initial and progesssive decline and changes from one type Of
household use and occupancy to another, these areas have the potential of provid-
ing the greatest benefit per public dollar spent as the level of decline is clear-
ly reversible through a combination of public and private actions.
Incipient decline involves beginning deterioration. Areas at this stage still
provide decent housing for the majority of the City residents but initial disin-
vestment and changes from one occupancy to another start taking place. The more
affluent members of these areas migrate and are replaced by middle and moderate
inane residents. There is a waning confidence in the future value of the neighbor-
hood and a decline in its social status. (See descriptors, Appendix C).
In clearly declining areas, deterioration becomes more apparent as the rate of
turnover to lower income and/or minority groups increases. There are further cut-
backs in maintenance and repairs due to the lower income of residents and the
decreased availability of private financing. Home and land values begin falling
(at least relative to other prices) as neighborhood reputation declines. Conver-
sions of the housing stock lead to greater densities and increased utilization.
Residents became more dependent on public services. (See descriptors, Appendix C).
Areas of incipient and clear decline should receive similar treatment; nevertheless,
the level of investment and chance of success will vary with the degree of deteriora-
tion. Although basic public services and assistance should be provided to all
transitional areas, implementation of a concentrated improvement and rehabilitation
-13-
program sh6uld be dei eloped ifi phases, using wfel1.idefined, Manageable demonstration
areas. While area -wide rehabilitation programs (i.e., subsidized loans as current-
ly administered) bring about improvements to individual dwelling units, the con-
centration of investments in small sub -areas can produce an impact of enough
visibility to bring about neighborhood change.
Basic Treatment Components For Transitional Areas Include:
Systematic, concentrated code enforcement.
Technical assistance for preparation of specifications and
contracting for dwelling improvements.
-- Rehabilitation loans and grants (private and public).
-- Development of sub -area community organizations.
Property acquisition/relocation/disposition (spot clearance).
Increased hone -ownership opportunities in existing units through
greater mortgage financing accessibility.
Creation of new home -ownership opportunities through sensitive,
in -fill construction.
-- Provision of public improvements.
Optional treatment elements could include mobile -tool loan program, building materials
programs, and social and economic services,
co-op, volunteer assistance, "sweat equity" r o�
as necessary.
Transitional areas make up most of
clude Little Havana, Edison -Little
Coconut Grove and parts of Culmer.
of these areas.
the Community Development target areas. They in -
River, Allapattah, most of =bdel City, Wynwood and
The map on the following page shows the location
o
ernAmonToomAL- ANIMAS -
Itieipient Declirte
Clearly lee
...r •.•.•.. i.
•. •.r
it
14_•. •r
two
f
u.t.....t •...•. • in
^^yiyAnA r
A. .,,,,,,r ; ST --..-•- - . • . -..... - is. -
City Q
.
•
•
t
planning Department
it
1.
t 11,r:
t:.vL;
,�•, uin .I
»• :' ee
•
O
)
.1
yt— Gr�M•
•
1, Addelerating Decii± a Areas
Tise areas are characterized by major physical decline, unhe'1thy residential
environments and a poor and dependent population. There exists in these areas a
critical lack of supply and demand for property financing as the neighborhoods
future as a residential place is viewed negatively by investors and residents alike.
The results are minimal ;intenace, population decline and increases in the number
of abandoned and marginal apartments, homes and businesses. Most residents with
any option to relocate will move and go
The treatment goals for these areas are
provision of direct social and economic
as clean and sanitary an environment as
grams (area maintenance) .
elsewhere.
to make households self-sufficient by the
benefits (in-putnefits) and to maintain
possible through intensive assistance pro -
It should be kept in mind that programs designed to upgrade areas at these stages
of decline are costly and have failed repeatedly in the past. Not only is deteriora-
tion widespread and the climate for individual investment lacking but, usually, the
rental structure in depressed neighborhoods is such that improvements to the exist-
ing stock would have to be almost totally subsidized. Otherwise, improvements could
lead to prohibitive overpayment by existing renters or a displacement of existing
households who are unable to afford the increase in rents caused by the capital
outlay necessary to make the improvements. As such, a thorough understanding of the
complicated dynamics of the real estate market in accelerating decline areas is nec-
essary to avoid creating programs whose negative side -effects outweigh the intended
benefits.
tatid_treatrrient Components For A celerati.hq Declite Areas, Maude:
e:
Area Maintenance:
- Control of junk and debris on private property,
• Intensive street clean-up and trash collection,
= Clearance and upkeep of vacant lots.
- Rodent control.
- Basic but flexible code enforcement
- Spot clearance of severely blighted structures and
abandoned buildings.
- Redevelopment, when feasible and appropriate (relocation
as necessary).
•-- In -put Benefits:
- Skill training programs.
- Job placement programs.
- Social and welfare services.
- Health maintenance.
- Day care services.
- adolescent programs.
- Crime prevention programs.
- Recreational programs.
There are basically three areas, shown on the map on the following page, in the
accelerating decline stage. They include portions of Culmer, Coconut Grove and two
relatively small sections within the Model City neighborhood.
-17-
...' •.i..t ..►..
.............
t
i
•
._
City of Miami Planning Department
4 G.i .t
yt1M i••••••••••
r—
MEM
MEM
—
Si
It is iir octant to classify neighborhoods because their level of dedline will det.-
ermine the appropriate upgrading tactics to be used and because the overall probab-
ility of success, regardless of the tactics used, will diminish as deterioration
worsens.
The process of neighborhood decline involves a series of conditions, decisions and
processes which interact to initiate and accelerate neighborhood deterioration.
The presence of physical, economic and social decay (conditions) is perceived by
key decision -makers (households, investors and intermediaries) whose actions start
and promote processes leading to changes from one type of household, occupancy and
use to another. This filtering process inevitably leads to the concentration of
lower income households in areas with high maintenance needs and, consequently,
to decreased maintenance and increased deterioration.
For classification purposes, the City of Miami has been broken down into four types
of areas: healthy, incipient decline, clearly declining and accelerating decline.
A fifth category, abandoned, is so minimal in Miami that it does not warrant a
separate category, but has instead been included within the accelerating decline
areas.
Healthy areas are characterized by a constant in -migration and turnover of econo-
mically sound households and firms as well as good quality housing and positive
community attitudes. To maintain these areas, the local governments should continue
to provide hasic services. Transitional neighborhoods are made up of incipient
decline and clearly declining areas characterized by initial and progressive de-
cline and changes from one type of household, use and occupancy to another. The
level of decline in these areas is clearly reversible through a combination of
-19-
pfiVabd and public actions a iphasizitig the Consetvation and rehabilitatiOn Of
the housing stock.
Areas of accelerating decline are characterized by major physical deterioration,
unhealthy environments and a poor and dependent population. The treatment goal
for these areas is to make households self-sufficient by providing direct social
and economic benefits (in -put benefits) while maintaining a clean and sanitary
environment through an intensive assistance program (area maintenance) .
•
i
■
the Cohcept of classifying neighborhoods according to theit level of
decay and programming treatment tactics based on such classifications
is a fairly new approach arising, to a large extent, from the research
conducted by Dr. Anthony Dols and the Real Estate Research Corporation
under the backing of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Develop-
ment. The material presented in this report borrows heavily from the
concepts and strategies developed by Dr. Downs.
2. The Dynamics of Neighborhood Change, prepared for U.S. HUD by Public
Affairs Counseling, San Francisco, 1975. Pages 2-3
3. Roger Montgomery, AIP journal, book review of "Recommendations for
Community Development Planning" by RERC, AIP, January, 1977, p. 76.
4. Reco mendations for Community Development Planning, Real Estate Research
Corporation, Chicago, Illinois, 1975, p. 3.
5. Richard B. Andrews, Urban Land Economics and Public policy, Free Press,
New York, 1971.
6. A pre -sales inspection program is not currently in use in Dade County but
has been used in other cities to ensure the conservation of the housing
stock, partic
ularly single family owner -occupied units, as it changes
hands (filtering) .
vig
STAOV t
fin Shalt
v•
S.rtel•
w
t:rnP•r is :
cnN:RAr. Dfy_RtrIti Py WTIN:I DP lIF.1141ry.P1k7111 rEC4mC
Mf!l.Tliy
,.I rr.q•elty Wear
Saul Str....nul enre11tinn
i..l location
Dew61nn,r•n•I Well Mllntalne4
Mld•Iln to nigt. social States
M.Irrera to PIT•er lucrao. IPVe11
Nlyn S. hoot Graduate. a Stove
rosily Oriented ut Cb114less Mudls
wl.ae collar OS*111el Moe Collar
i114r In Nelght,ehod L 'tense
,lon.1 Nel•Ihb.rl...d repotatlrni
tl••1•Il.tr,r Mv-a rercelve4 .. Safe
Cn. lei 1 “heelvrneas
Nigh Itm, Investment
t.nd f.•ivurty Velure
Inso, ■nc- Sv,tlahle
Convent i.nnel Financing Avetlabic
Nigh e..ntl teno a in Foto,► Valli.
II.C1PICNT IN-L1IN►
Slot INlnt..an,. tI..Ileet
Aging 'loosing Stark
Some New nm-,esl•irnttal 'MPS
trey Mel►able location
Decline In .nisi statue
Declining iio . l..ld income
influs nt M1441n 'notes. ,IIOO ltlel
Decline In Gt•ratl•unal Level
Hire Seel•sktllrl tsvlrtral.loyed
Often Fear of Loa.1a1 Ttan.Ltlnn
v.cline In WnIyh1.,rMv4 nrrutation
Some Cutback in Maintenance
loIntea
Inre►rsIngDiffi Difficulty
netting Financing
Some glffnfiden
Waning Cnnfiden•-e In rntnre valor
Plnperty Tr* eatden Increaser
More Venter. In Sin.fl. Family Area
1. _CT.FARI.T nKLI MS
larny Mlnnr, nn.n Maine Peticlenale1
Nigher Dennity Le.t•H to VI.1h1er Wear
Relatively Pone t•►Inn lca
Connerelet
Maine D.clina In Social hate.
Lenore tnrowe•. Mnre
welfare
aal e-Lteetvdds
large Fealties. Often
dmi
rn'.reaelny linos►Ills/ a IS.nwpinyed
Fa if to Poor Nelght.,rlvod Sep..htlnn
Lack of Pride InlM w•
IkeIleinhhnth,d
Increasing fete t
enartre
for timer Cutne tto,rllne int Repairs
Prnperty Valoes
M• Pine. ••
Inpnrare-e Prohlhlt the
Serino. Prnhlenn In carting Flnsnrinq
Fa*, Inc future Vain of Investment
rrnloslnantly Renter.'
Incr.•a'lnq Oferatlnrt Conte
Swell Scale Investor owners
S.encet TI_e Saito of Neightothewvl Change. I.repare•1 fee N.W. IRe. by Pnblte Affairs Inenseling.
----- lew►nte.t to wore reallsticallY P.rrrny Nlaml•s
San flenct.rn, 1915 - NMllf led a.elavP
eit,atlon.
5iimplom
rI7 R1.�Inn
II
ICI III H. iIIRUI IIIIIl!IFlllM1q „ ,'k'1ll
1,111
1111111111111111
A. ArcmtEPArINi: t1/7.LINt:
General Minor. Many litter oefl.:ieneire
Pr..rnre of 'Concrete te,nvtvr I
1 I,, Van•tallsr.l Property
Nears! rablr location
lncrrto 1 Residential Va. an••les
Some Abandoeeeet
low Social Sento.
fre.Invtin.mt ly ley Income Nln.,r Ity Tvnante
Increevino M ltl-Prnhit+ Fannie,
Ih.sk l l I ed Workers. 111yh 1nrepl..yr•nt
Pont Tenant/LA.11.rd Pelat Inns
Pn.r 1/e14l,T,h.,.l ael•.n •r loon
Al.solute Peeling In Pupnlat tun
F••ar for Pe.•nnn.l SOLety
Increasing fire 4 Crime
tittle Maintenance and Pef.Hrn
lark of neyers
tuavr.ue-e neold
N. limit !tut Pn,nl FinanelOnt
rrr.luent Over•eenevament
inereaniny n'a.h flow Problem
Skyrocketing Operating 4r:te
111gi. Pre ry+rt Ion of aint•o.tee ts.aetw.
CO revue pef.lwlsw Toward. Prevent G. Pututy
5.__ 1111r24W
Sevcus Dllapl.I.thwt.
Widest teat Abandl.mwnr
voluntary ur Inv..luntaryy Dumnl It*4,
IF.I se, al.andnned• Cars
vacant filleted Int•
General area Decay
Lowest nv..al Status
Poverty level Incomes
Squatter Population
Malrl Pt••hiew Welt.te lanai's. Prevalent
Na.I ne 1•Ilu.,rlsad FYPurILIDf
IWurclul,lv with Options Leave
Fete. Apathy
Nlyl. Crime L the lucldtoue
'.Napa.-/ Pv..ta1 M
Serious Petit Cwllvrtnn P.r.hlr.r
Negative Cash Flown
APPEND I X B
NEIGHBORHOOD
PROBLEMS
MATRIX
Census
Tracts
.
• • - k
66 allall Mal simisaiinswo
memmumna simmmulimmummos
mum minnuunia num
49 ammo sommin ammo
ima ommumma mums
55.01
55.02
11111•1111 11•111111111111111 1111111111111
NMINN • 1111111111111111 IIIIIIIIIIIII
57 ERIS Ililliallialla MINIM
58.02 allaallaalialla MEM
INNIMINIMIlla 11111111111 El
_aaaaaaaIa1aaalla
IIMINIMIMIEME 1111111111111111•MUOIMEN
63.01 samauao.aaaauau
66* 111111111111111 1111111111111•1•1110111111010
73 111111111111•1111 11111111111111111111111111111 ! 14b
21 IMMO 11111111111111111111H111•111
•MEM 1 11101111111
27.01
56 111111•1111111 1111111111111•10110111111111
67.01 somuni Mom 111111111
1111•1•111111111MINION IMMINIMII • MIRO
22.01 MUM IN
01 MIM 1
'OHIO
54.02 NMI • --4, NM • 4111111111
70.01
III •.414 1 illn *1-'4"11111
70.02ma • ,olso
51 40.AA101111111111 • 011CM1111
64 • '910.• Mull ,0 MIMI
22.02 el I_ _,_i • son .;• 1011111:1111100
30.02 MI kw___loe•• MI • IMMO
54.01 • t si•T-44. po 0 ..aumum
23 EEO 011 Ma 01111.111001ai
26 • ,0 • .• . am .1 i•gurai
30.01 En _ "10 • • DU
• Ol 111111110
a • ifiro.111•111IN
a •••1111 MI
111C1•1111 MO
• a.•III
as
as i _4_ 1_,•+e
as 110140
66* MR . :;_•401 M,
a iik. 4_ i .•
25
Er2o.o2 • oior I
nomin•• I
,*lel_
18,01 • • __Ip 1 •
20.01
*10
24 RD • .140 •
0 • •
53 --11 •Iforl•
14 -10 Olt. .0.10
15.01 III •01714 letIS
19.02 4_4111 lit• -144,0 .•
67.026 A 1. 41104 (It .0
18.02 • 01 1 1•1•1.1i4
36.02 1•141_•1•1-7-lo
71 • 41041 10-4 • • • • • •
19.01 • • •rtoie • i • lo olip.iiii •
27.02 01110-1•410r10-41111 '• • • • • • •
3721_4_ t.• Iiiirei Oio_iitio • woo • • • •
28 t• 01•11/10 1• O•TO• • • • •
37.02 I 01 101010,10 1p 4111
-0 • ei• •••is• ••••
72 •(iiloi• 4 • olio iiiko • • • •
31 10 t', t• • 010 t01- • OTP10 • • •
34 t-II 111101,11•01•Ell• • •••••
36.01 .0 07.1. 0,Aiel II • • • •
*-Egtiroots for a onciloo of Conikts Tr* 0 only,
.......
HOUSEHOLD
DECISIONS
INVESTOR
DECISIONS
PUBIC/PRIVA
DECISIONS
2. INCIPIENT DECLINE
REJECTION OF
NEIGI IBORI U.)OD
BY SIMILAR
I101JSTJ 10IJ)S
PUBUC,TRIVAIE
IRESPONSE T()
CI IANGING
PIT IGI IBORI KX►D
R. L..•
A•d•r•
ti.w
APPENDIX A
DECISIONS AFFECTING NEIG1113ORIIOOD CHANGE
3. CLEARLY DECLINING
RFSSII►ENT
11OUSU 1011)
RESPONSE TO
CI IANGING
NFJGI IBORI 1(X)I)
1Jrw•v.AM
OWNER/INVESTOR
SI'ECUTATIVE
RESPONSE TO
CI IANGING
EIGI IBORI KX)1
Plarlk
Aim*.
4MP••
P..►...
(7.11. • n•o
PUBUC/PRIVAIF.
RFACIIUN
TO DECLINING
NEIGHBOR!
4. ACCELERATING DECLINE
1 IO11SFJ 1011)5
WIHII OPTIONS
REJECT I)KUNING
M:IGI IBORI Icx)D
OW NER/ INITSTOR
RlA(110N 70
DECIJNING
NCIGI MORII(X)D
PUBl1C11'BIVATE
RESPONSE TO
NFJGI MBORII(x)D
PROBLEMS
5. ABANDONED
TENANT
REJECTION OF
DEIFJRIORAlING
STRIJCIURES
OW'NFJI
ABANDONMENT
()F
INVESTMENT
Pl lB11C-1'IINA IF.
RFSPONSF.
10
ABANDONMFNT